Organizational Motivation and Behavior Modification : Brief Literature Review

Originally written on 5/1/16

Conceptual Issues

The articles reviewed here discuss factors influencing employee and organizational outcomes. Both journal articles offer compelling theoretical arguments for dissecting organizational motivation and behavior modification while the course textbook adds to the argument for systematically observing organizational behavior. The literature here seems to be working toward clarifying our understanding of motivation and behavior modification, specific to the organizational setting.

Major Contributions

Stajkovic and Luthans (1997), in an in-depth meta-analysis, examined behavior modification and the influence of organizational behavior modification processes on task performance. The authors offered a basis for their research by highlighting classic behavioral psychology theorists such as Pavlov, Skinner, and Watson. Further, Stajkovic and Luthans included organizational and systems theory to refine the focus of their work. The researchers arrived at a framework for assessing organizational behavior modification through careful structuring of hypothesis and research questions. Stajkovic and Luthans elucidate clear distinctions between service and manufacturing industry organizational systems. To further clarify the distinction, they highlight the importance of conceptualized and operationalized definitions of service as a performance outcome (p. 1130). In this line of thinking, the authors propose that ambiguous understanding of service complicates behavior modification systems because of often immeasurable performance outcomes as well as inconsistent feedback from leadership. Through comprehensive data analysis, the authors concluded that reinforcement interventions do affect behavioral change in organizational settings. Specifically, nonfinancial and social rewards interventions had the strongest effect in manufacturing organizations while financial and material reinforcement interventions produced the strongest behavioral change in service organizations (p. 1140). Youssef and Luthans (2007) add to the understanding of social reinforcement interventions in their research on positive organizational behavior (or POB) (p. 774).

There seems to be a trend in the business and organizational literature toward the development of emotional leadership. Proponents of “postheroic” leadership (e.g. Crevani, Lindgren, and Packendorff, 2007), distributed power, and humanbecoming models (Parse and Sims, 2002) argue that the most effective models of leadership are those in which the “followers” are the true sources of power, energy, and momentum. Within this trend, Youssef and Luthans (2007) set out to investigate organizational behavior and motivation in the context of such emotional motivators as hope, optimism and resilience (p. 774). In an effort to re-emphasize its importance, the authors defined the nature of “positive organizational behavior” (p. 774) and compared it with similar research in “positive affectivity (PA), positive reinforcement, procedural justice, job satisfaction and commitment, prosocial and organizational citizenship behaviors, core self-evaluations, and many others” (p. 774-775). To add to the knowledge of POB, the authors investigated “positive psychological capacities and work-related outcomes” (p. 793). The study found that, in 2 separate studies, feelings of hope had a statistical correlation to job satisfaction, work happiness and organizational commitment Hope had significant correlations in one of those studies. Optimism and resilience were both found to influence three out of the four factors in one study. Job satisfaction and work happiness were positively correlated with all three positive psychological capacities (p 793).

Methodological Issues

Both articles evaluated this week begin with the presentation of a set of theoretical assumptions that guide their research. For Stajkovic and Luthans (1997), the research was based in the theories of behavioral psychology, behavior modification, and organizational behavior. Youssef and Luthans (2007) rooted their research in behavioral psychology with an emphasis on positive psychology.

Research Methodology

The meta-analysis of Stajkovic and Luthans (1997) included published (and some unpublished) research from 1975 through 1995. After carefully evaluating each of 125 relevant articles against a strict criteria, the authors selected 19 articles for final inclusion in the research. (p. 1125). The authors then performed statistical analysis of the information to calculate effect sizes, normalize estimates of effect sizes, and evaluate “homogeneity of effect sizes” (p. 1126).

Youssef and Luthans (2007), in contrast, worked with primary data from a convenience sample of “1,032 employees from a wide range of positions in 135 midwestern organizations” (p. 784). To this, the authors compared data from a second study of 323 employees in varying roles at a broad range of organizations in the midwest. (p. 784). Both studies included respondents across a wide range of ages, educational backgrounds, ethnic makeups, and positions within their organizations. Youssef and Luthans indicated that these variables were controlled for in the analysis of data. Data were collected from responses to a Likert-type survey “that included published standardized measures of hope, optimism, resilience, job satisfaction, work happiness, organizational commitment, and self-reported performance” (p. 785). The authors then collected information regarding the employees’ feelings of job satisfaction using methods derived from assessment tools developed by Oldham and Hackman (1980).

Stajkovic and Luthans (1997) developed moderators to clarify data analysis. They split organizational types between manufacturing and service-oriented businesses (p. 1136). Next, they created moderators for types of “reinforcement interventions” (p. 1136), or the ways in which employee performance was rewarded or punished. Categories of reinforcement interventions were financial (e.g., monetary bonus), nonfinancial (e.g., performance feedback), social (e.g., recognition), and 4 “intervention packages,” (p. 1136) each consisting of a permutated combinations of the three types.

To organize their data, Youssef and Luthans (2007), created moderators for the type of positive psychological resource capacities (hope, optimism, and resilience), along with moderators for work-related outcomes (performance, job satisfaction, work happiness, and organizational commitment) (p. 786).


Article Independent Variables Mediators Moderators Dependent Variables
Stajkovic & Luthans (1997) • Behavior modification technique • Type of organization

• Type of intervention

• Task performance
Youssef & Luthans (2007) • Psychological resource capacities: hope, optimism, and resilience • gender

• age

• ethnic grouping

• education

• tenure/position in organization

• organizational size

• industry/sector

• social desirability

• job performance

• job satisfaction

• work happiness

• organizational commitment
• other desirable outcomes


Strengths and Limitations

Both articles surveyed here demonstrate large sample sizes; the meta-analysis was done on 125 articles, while the primary research of Youssef and Luthans was conducted on 2 groups of more than 1200 respondents combined. Each also conducted a very thorough statistical analytical procedure. Stajkovic and Luthans (1997) carefully culled source material prior to their meta analysis. Using Hedges and Olkin’s meta-analytic method, the researchers used three sets of statistical analyses to adequately explain moderators and the nature of moderation (p. 1135). Youssef and Luthans (2007), though conducting research within a convenience sample, carefully evaluated and controlled for variables such as age, gender, education, and organizational tenure.

Both studies were forced to confront highly ambiguous and subjective variables. In the research on positive organizational behavior, the authors needed to account for socially/culturally relative concepts of hope, optimism, resilience as well as organizationally-specific notions of performance outcome, happiness, satisfaction, and commitment. Stajkovic and Luthans (1997) seemed to struggle, in particular, with the confounding variables of performance outcomes as a function of organizational design (i.e., manufacturing vs service organizations). Additionally, the design of both studies did not account for outside factors that could contribute to performance outcomes and/or behavior modification. Youssef and Luthans (2007) admitted that their study did not allow for reliable causal conclusions and that competing influences could be predictors of employee behaviors (p. 793). Stajkovic and Luthans (1997), in a similar way, addressed the cognitive biases and human judgemental processes that inherently color the results of research (p. 1141). The authors of both studies expressed that their narrow theoretical focus could also be a limitation of research.

Implications for Research

As is often the case in empirical research, the authors of the studies reviewed here recommend that additional research be conducted with different samples and methodologies. The researchers emphasize the need for clarification of study moderators, especially in meta-analytical research (Stajkovic and Luthans, 1997, p. 1142). A specific recommendation from Youssef and Luthans (2007) was that researchers address positive organizational behavior in intercultural organizations or organizations outside of the United States to augment the generalizations made about hope, optimism, and resilience (p. 793).

Implications for Practice

Practically speaking, Youssef and Luthans’ (2007) research supported the beneficial function of training programs designed to develop employee positive psychological capacities. The researchers suggested that by engaging in short training interventions, organizations could work toward more positive organizational behavior. “Stepped” or incremental training programs were recommended to help build an “optimistic explanatory style” (p. 794) in which employees anticipate negative events and work toward positive outcomes rather than simply avoiding negative ones. Organizations could benefit in many ways from the development and implementation of positive behavioral training interventions.

Stajkovic and Luthans (1997) provided similar, clearly articulated recommendations for leaders. Specific to their research, the authors recommended that leaders in manufacturing sectors utilize nonfinancial interventions or combined intervention packages to modify employee behavior. Given the results of their studies, the authors concluded that financial interventions, while positively correlated with employee performance outcomes, were not sufficiently more impactful than nonfinancial interventions, and therefore were not worth the additional resource allocation (p. 1142-1143). In service organizations, the researchers found that financial interventions were somewhat more impactful than nonfinancial interventions. However, the researchers also found that social interventions combined with nonfinancial interventions were slightly more effective than financial interventions alone (p. 1143). Overall, Stajkovic and Luthans recommend that leaders carefully evaluate their approach to behavior modification, including a focus on specific behaviors, resources available for interventions, and strategically structured performance outcome measurements.



Crevani, L., Lindgren, M. & Packendorff, J. (2007) Shared leadership: A post-heroic perspective on leadership as a collective construction. International Journal of Leadership Studies 3(1) 40-67.

Pearce, C.L. and Sims H.P. (2002). Vertical versus shared leadership as predictors of the effectiveness of change management teams: An examination of aversive, directive, transactional, transformational, and empowering leader behaviors. Group Dynamics, 6(2) 172–197.

Stajkovic, A.D., & Luthans, F. (1997). A Meta-Analysis of the Effects of Organizational Behavior Modification on Task Performance, 1975-95. The Academy of Management Journal, 40(5), 1122-1149.

Youssef, C.M., & Luthans, F. (2007). Positive organizational behavior in the workplace: The impact of hope, optimism, and resilience. Journal of Management, 33, 774-800.


Language Use in the Development and Maintenance of Cultural Identity

The following is an old piece that I recently dug out as a part of my evolving dissertation research and planning.  I’ve always been fascinated by the role of language in social interactions; in fact, my Master’s thesis sprung out of similar thinking.  My dissertation will most likely include aspects of this same train of thought.  I’ve posted the original here as a reflection on my writing from 4 years ago and as a way of stimulating new creative thoughts from old material.

Originally written 11/19/13 for an Master’s-level Intercultural Communication course at Gonzaga University.


This paper presents a review of literature discussing the impacts of language on the development and maintenance of cultural identity. The literature introduces an operational definition of cultural identity and outlines ways in which cultural groups define themselves, their relationships with other groups, and the behavioral norms expected from group members. The research provides support for the importance of cultural identity in intercultural communication, with specific emphasis on the communication of the social identity itself. This review incorporates literature that discusses specific linguistic and semantic influences on cultural identity. Additionally, this paper highlights research about language structure, accent, and etymology. Given the dynamic nature of both language and cultural identity, this paper introduces research that covers several aspects of cultural identity including communication between cultural groups, communication within cultural groups, and personal communication. Understanding the role of language in the definition and maintenance of cultural identity is fundamental to creating effective communication strategies on a global, local and interpersonal level.


“Language enables us to attend to the diverse meanings given to identities, and the ways in which participants draw upon, ignore or reconstruct their identities.”
(Jones, 2001)

Cultural Identity is a broad concept that encompasses a wide variety of ways in which individuals frame their understanding of themselves and the world around them. Cultural identity is often socially constructed through the repetition of accepted activities and behaviors within a certain cultural group, and individuals use these normative behaviors to draw nearer to – or in some cases alienate themselves from – their cultural groups. Cultural clusters have developed diverse and complex mores that serve as a means of strengthening in-group loyalty, and subsequently, the conservation of values within the cultural group. Like individuals, societal groups also use cultural identity markers as a way to distinguish themselves from, and assert superiority over other societal groups. These cultural identity markers include behavioral traits such as gender roles, assumptions of decency/politeness, and most important to this discussion, language.

As the quote above suggests, language is a fundamental tool in the development and maintenance of cultural identity. Through its fluid structural nature, language is unique in its ability to adapt to rapidly changing social situations while providing cultural groups with a reasonably consistent foundation for identity development. This paper will review current research on the use of language as a mechanism for developing, maintaining and perpetuating cultural identity. The literature includes a discussion of language use among different cultural groups as well as how linguistic constructs impact in-group loyalty, personal relationships and individual sense of self through the cultural identity lens. As today’s world becomes increasingly globalized, a critical understanding of language and cultural identity is important for intercultural communicators in every aspect of business, politics, commerce, and interpersonal spheres.

Defining Cultural Identity

In Difference Matters, Brenda Allen (2004) begins the discussion by citing sociologists Howard and Alamilla to assert that “identity” answers the question “Who am I?” and also “Who am I in relation to others?” (p. 11). In contrast to the essentialist or biological determinist point of view, Allen defines identity as a social construct rather than an unchangeable set of traits stemming from one’s biological makeup (e.g. sex). While factors such as biology and geography often play a role in the cultural identity, most theorists today reject a strict determinist viewpoint. McConnell-Ginet (2011) points out that “identities are not put together simply by linking independent identifications as gender, sexuality, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, occupation and local origins. Rather, different dimensions of identity inflect one another” (p. 11). For the purposes of this literature review, cultural (and social) identity can be defined by “the ways in which individuals and collectives are distinguished in their social relations with other individuals and collectives” (Allen, 2004. p. 11).

Influences of Language on Cultural Identity

Defining our Cultural Groups

One critical element of cultural identity is a clear understanding of one’s cultural groupings. As Allen (2004) points out in her discussion of social identity theory (SIT), “members of social identity groups constantly compare their group with others” (p. 14). Further, the author states that people “tend to react more to perceived group characteristics than to the other person as an individual” (p. 14). This suggests that definitions of large cultural groupings are fundamental to the development of identity and can have significant impacts on in-group and out-group relationships. One of the most basic ways humans define these groups is by assigning them names.

In their work on “ethnonyms (from Greek roots for ‘national group and ‘name’),” Mullen, Calogero and Leader (2007) outline several examples of how cultural groups use naming conventions to distinguish themselves from others, and subsequently how individuals perceive the strength of their cultural group. As this paper will discuss later, perceived strength of cultural group is important to group loyalty and willingness to participate in furtherance of collective identity. Mullen et al (2007) outline six distinguishing characteristics of different ethnonyms to support the assertion that “ways in which members of an in-group think about their in-group…may be systematically linked to the ways in which the in-group interacts with out-groups. The authors present three types of ethnonyms, including toponyms (names based on land or shared geography), glottonyms (language), anthroponyms (concepts of humanness), and three modifiers including aggressiveness of representation, valence of the in-group, and complexity of the representation. The authors found that intergroup hostility “was greater among cultures characterized by less complex ethnonyms,” (Mullen et al. 2007) suggesting that simplified representations of a group debases the group’s value and diminishes the rich collection of cultural identifiers that accompany philosophical ideals such as concepts of humanness (as found in anthroponyms) or national patriotism (as found in toponyms). Ethnonyms present a powerful linguistic driver of cultural identity in large cultural groups, and similar concepts can be applied to defining sub-groups based on social constructs of “class” (e.g. wealth, education, social standing).

Cultural identity is a dynamic and pliable social concept that requires linguistic constructs specifically adapted to cultural environments. Lupyan and Dale (2010) suggest that “just as biological organisms are shaped by ecological niches, language structures appear to adapt to the environment (niche) in which they are being learned and used” (p. 1). In this Language Niche Hypothesis, patterns in morphology (and subsequently lexical strategy and grammar) change based on the population using the language. For example, languages spoken by large diverse populations tend to be morphologically simpler and rely more on the predictability (and instructability) of formalized grammar than on the repetition of sound in more complex language. Lupyan and Dale posit that this shift is due in large part to the number of adult learners of language in large populations. It may be deduced then, that languages of “dominant” cultures (e.g. English) have evolved to support the acquisition of new population members, and perhaps, facilitate the adoption of the dominant cultural identities.

Defining Our Membership in Groups

When individuals are members of a cultural group (either through birth, or as an assimilated adult), the use of language is one way to solidify one’s position within the group. Using the psychology of language theory, Katharine W. Jones (2001) presents an argument for the construction of national identity through accent negotiation and other self-presentation strategies. The author states, “Conventional definitions of national identity such as place of birth, citizenship, passports, etc., are all Important [sic], but the active achievement of national Identity through social practices like language helps individuals to believe that they belong to the nation.” Jones’ research was designed to assess levels of anxiety among native (UK) English speakers living in the United States, and provide insight on how these citizens negotiated their language use to further assimilate or further distinguish themselves from their fellow English speakers. This work reveals two unique attributes of cultural identity maintenance through language. The first is the fear that “an invisible audience of English people” (Jones, 2001.) – perhaps the learned cultural norms as internally defined – is judging the individual and may be questioning the individual’s true English-ness. Second, individuals demonstrated conscious use of “distancing mechanisms” (Jones, 2001.) to maintain their Englishness in spite of the Americanisms that had become a part of their language use. Clearly, group membership is an important aspect of cultural identity, and this research demonstrates the anxiety faced by individuals to maintain good standing in their preferred cultural groups.

Membership in cultural groups is not only beneficial to the individual. When group members experience positive habituation (acceptance) with the group, they tend to be more loyal, and subsequently, contribute in more and more positive ways to group-sustaining activities. Van Vugt and Claire (2004) sought to highlight choice-making behavior in individuals when presented with an option to leave a social group for a seemingly more attractive option. The research demonstrates that individuals most often make choices about group membership based on their perception of the group. In addition, the authors found that “high identifiers” are less concerned with the investment of their own social capital in the group and often disregard general social constructs such as abandonment norms. This research and analysis suggests that cultural groups are most successful when individuals have high group loyalty. Group loyalty is a stability mechanism that acts as a buffer against external cultural pressure and insulates individual group members within a positive, meaningful environment. In such an environment, then, individuals may experience less cultural anxiety, fewer self-presentation conflicts, and may be able to more easily craft a comprehensive sense of self.

Defining Ourselves

The literature suggests that the way in which individuals define themselves is inextricably linked to the ways in which we define the groups to which we belong. As Allen (2004) asserts, “socially constructed categories of identity influence how others interact with us (and vice versa) and how we perceive ourselves” (p 12). This is an important distinction, since individual perception of self can have significant impact on behavior, feelings of group loyalty, cultural superiority etc. Definitions of self arise from “socialization” or “the total set of experiences in which children become clear about norms and expectations” (Holtzman, L. 2000).

Just as with large group use of ethnonyms to distinguish themselves from other groups, individuals use labeling and self presentation strategies to associate themselves with (or distinguish themselves from) certain social groups. In Gender, Sexuality and Meaning: Linguistic Practice and Politics, Sally McConnell-Ginet (2011) offers an in-depth assessment of how language constructs are fundamental to “the transmission and reinforcement of cultural belief systems” (p. 6). In the introduction to her study of high school students’ use of language to construct self, McConnell-Ginet (2011) states, “Language is a primary tool people use in constituting themselves as ‘kinds’ of people in terms of which attributes, activities and participation in social practice can be regulated” (p. 130). Consistent with the social constructivist philosophy, the author continues with a discussion of data collected from the observation of a “community of practice” at a high school outside Detroit. Because the high school environment is rife with dynamic social categories and evolving social constructions, “labeling” becomes a reflective process that students use to categorize their environments and make judgments. McConnell-Ginet asserts that “labels arise in relation to real people in real situations… through such activities, labels are endowed with meaning” (p. 137). As stated earlier, members of a highly stable (or perceived as stable) environment are often more liberated in their ability to explore their own definitions of self. For McConnell-Ginet, “labeling” one’s self with terms such as “jock” or “burnout” represents the individual attempt to fit in to pre-defined social categories while simultaneously defining what they are not. The high school ‘clique’ example is particularly illustrative of cultural identity and language. As gender and class roles become more widely understood, “labeling” and linguistic distancing methods may gain importance in the study of intercultural communication.


As the literature illustrates, cultural identity is created through a wide range of activities. Language is a tool well suited to handling the nuances of cultural identity, and may, in fact gain much of its structure from how it is used. Humans use language to categorize the world around them, communicating these categories to others as a way to associate themselves to or distance themselves from others. This paper has demonstrated the importance of language in defining the groups to which we belong as well as in defining how we view ourselves. Perhaps most importantly, the literature seems to indicate that it is in the definition of ourselves with relation to our groups that we find the richest, most dynamic aspects of cultural identity. After all, groups are made up of people, and people are almost always a part of a group. In this way, the process of cultural identity creation is dependent on the successful navigation of one’s self in one’s group. The literature suggests that if one has a mastery (or understanding) of the power of language, this navigation becomes significantly easier, and may ultimately increase feelings of group loyalty, longevity of the group, and personal satisfaction as a member of a group.



Allen, B. (2004). Difference matters: Communicating social identity. Longrove, IL: Waveland Press.

Collier, M.J. & Thomas, M. (1998). Cultural identity:  An interpretive perspective. In Y.Y. Kim & W.B. Gudykunst (Eds.), Theories in intercultural communication (International and Intercultural Communication Annual, Volume 12, pp. 99-120). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Retrieved from

Holtzman, L. (2000). Media messages: What film, television, and popular music teach us about race, class, gender and sexual orientation. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe

Jones, K. W. (2001). ‘I’ve Called ’em Tom-ah-toes All My Life and I’m Not Going to Change!’: Maintaining Linguistic Control Over English Identity in the U.S. Social Forces79(3), 1061-1094.

Lupyan, G., & Dale, R. (2010). Language Structure Is Partly Determined by Social Structure. Plos ONE5(1), 1-10. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0008559

McConnell-Ginet, S. (2011). Gender, Sexuality, and Meaning : Linguistic Practice and Politics. New York: Oxford University Press.

Mullen, B., Calogero, R. M., & Leader, T. I. (2007). A social psychological study of ethnonyms: Cognitive representation of the in-group and intergroup hostility. Journal Of Personality And Social Psychology92(4), 612-630. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.92.4.612

Van Vugt, M., & Hart, C. M. (2004). Social Identity as Social Glue: The Origins of Group Loyalty. Journal Of Personality And Social Psychology86(4), 585-598. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.86.4.585

Grassroots Leadership and the Arts for Social Change

April, 2017 marks the launch of the volume, Grassroots Leadership and the Arts for Social Change.  This is project that I have had the pleasure to contribute to, and I’m excited to see the book in its physical form!  There are so many great chapters here, and I look forward to reading the work of my fellow contributors.

My Creighton cohort-mate, Tricia Garwood and I worked together for several months to develop our chapter:

Benevolent Subversion: Graffiti, Street Art, and the Emergence of the Anonymous Leader.

The chapter develops the idea of benevolent subversion as a leadership practice deployed by artists, specifically graffiti artists (or independent public artists). Exploring the role of the graffiti artist in social movements, the authors suggest that subversive leadership is often necessary and beneficial for social change. This chapter examines the popular street artist, Banksy, along with other artist-leader examples. This chapter presents a history of the art form alongside an evaluation of the cultural context(s) in which it gained prominence. Using these cases, the authors suggest that subversive leadership is, in fact, a viable method for inspiring systemic change. As community leaders, artists  specifically graffiti artists  create iconoclastic art that is designed to subvert dominant ideologies. In many cases, the street artist creates this type of subversive work to bring awareness to social/cultural/ systemic injustices, and attempts to rally community members around finding a solution. Thus, the subversion is benevolent. The chapter proposes an alternative view of leadership through a postheroic lense, providing examples of artist-leaders driving social change by amplifying the voices of marginalized populations. Through careful analysis of the leader-artists’ artistic motivation and leadership action, this work suggests a framework for understanding constructive subversive leadership tactics. The authors weave together several unique concepts to establish benevolent subversion as a legitimate model of leadership. The chapter explores the role of artist as trickster, using the mythical model to define how selflessness, liminality, and benevolence contribute to leadership.

There will be a launch party in April in NYC – if you’re in the area, you’re invited to stop by and hear from authors, poets, and musicians.  It should be a great event. Here’s the invitation / Flyer

See below for more about the volume.

I am (we are) honored to have been a part of this work, and I thank Susie and Jon for their guidance and professionalism throughout the process.  They’ve compiled a fantastic work!  Thanks for including us in the edition!

Grassroots Leadership and the Arts for Social Change

by Susan J. Erenrich and Jon F. Wergin, Editors (Emerald Group Publishing, April 2017)

Description: Throughout history artists have led grassroots movements of protest, resistance, and liberation. They created dangerously, sometimes becoming martyrs for the cause. Their efforts kindled a fire, aroused the imagination and rallied the troops culminating in real transformational change. Their art served as a form of dissent during times of war, social upheaval, and political unrest. Less dramatically perhaps, artists have also participated in demonstrations, benefit concerts, and have become philanthropists in support of their favorite causes. These artists have been overlooked or given too little attention in the literature on leadership, even though the consequences of their courageous crusades, quite often, resulted in censorship, “blacklisting,” imprisonment, and worse. This volume explores the intersection of grassroots leadership and the arts for social change by accentuating the many victories artists have won for humanity. History has shown that these imaginative movers and shakers are a force with which to be reckoned with. Through this volume, we hope readers will vicariously experience the work of these brave figures, reflect on their commitments and achievements, and continue to dream a better world full of possibility.  View the Complete Table of Contents.